Interesting, Megatron. What's your demo? And what do you see as NPR's demo?
18-49 demo and NPR is too liberal doesn't play it down the middle there demo is 55 & over liberals maybe some conservatives listen to NPR just my opinion.
Interesting, Megatron. What's your demo? And what do you see as NPR's demo?
18-49 demo and NPR is too liberal doesn't play it down the middle there demo is 55 & over liberals maybe some conservatives listen to NPR just my opinion.
You can tell us that how, because you're in Congressional offices all day? If not, it's an opinion. Likely more off target than what Megatron offered.
Yes I've spent some time on the Hill. And no question that Republicans support continued CPB funding, as indicated earlier in this thread.
The Conservative side of the party would have zeroed out NPR years ago.
I've spent some time on the Hill myself. Therefore, I'll offer that no GOP offices are tuned into NPR. Accurate, I don't know, but likely equally so to your assertion on this regard.
In any case, to get the topic back on track, NPRs existence is predicated upon the health of its member stations. The programming they offer is likely influenced by what their member stations ask them to provide. Only so much 'broadening' can occur without alienating current listeners. As they don't sell advertising they don't need to chase demos the way their commercial counterparts do, but they need to try to remain relevant. So, yes, they should broaden their audience, to a point.
I've spent some time on the Hill myself. Therefore, I'll offer that no GOP offices are tuned into NPR.
Ideologically most Conservatives believe that subsidizing a broadcast network
is not a proper role of Government.
Which reinforces my point that they can't broaden their audience because the people
who are actively taking part in pledge drives want to hear Liberal political red meat.
The Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 states that its purpose is to address “the needs of unserved and underserved audiences, particularly children and minorities.” NPR’s own promotional materials proclaim: “On air and online, the NPR audience is influential, affluent and curious. … NPR listeners are 133% more likely to be top management and 148% more likely to be C-suite executives … NPR listeners are 74% more likely to earn $100,000+ in household income …"
Don't liberals avoid red meat and eat mostly vegetables?Which reinforces my point that they can't broaden their audience because the people
who are actively taking part in pledge drives want to hear Liberal political red meat.
Put on anything else and they get upset that they aren't getting what they paid for.
The Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 states that its purpose is to address “the needs of unserved and underserved audiences, particularly children and minorities.” NPR’s own promotional materials proclaim: “On air and online, the NPR audience is influential, affluent and curious. … NPR listeners are 133% more likely to be top management and 148% more likely to be C-suite executives … NPR listeners are 74% more likely to earn $100,000+ in household income …"
It stands to reason that NPR's programming would cater to the people that probably pay most of the donations during membership drives.
Except that NPR doesn't receive the money directly from those people, so it has no idea how to "cater" to them.
NPR's money comes from the stations that carry its programs. Therefore it caters to the stations and what they say they want.
NPR’s own promotional materials proclaim: “On air and online, the NPR audience is influential, affluent and curious. … NPR listeners are 133% more likely to be top management and 148% more likely to be C-suite executives … NPR listeners are 74% more likely to earn $100,000+ in household income …"
The money still drives the programming one way or another, doesn't it?
You've just made the Conservative case that they don't need taxpayer subsidies.